In tandem with Binet and Simon's work, European clinicians also attempted to develop methods for assessing the cognitive functioning of children who could not or would not speak. As a result of Terman's research and development efforts, the original Binet-Simon scale eventually become known throughout the United States as the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale, which is currently in its fourth edition (Thorndike et al., 1986). Terman adopted, then revised, and renormed the instrument several times at Stanford University (Terman, 1916 Terman & Merrill, 1937, 1960, 1973), and from the early 1900s it became the principal tool for assessing the intelligence of children, adolescents, and young adults. Terman was responsible for making the Binet Scale a recognized and accepted professional tool. Three independent researchers, Huey, Kuhlmann, and Wallin, translated the Binet Scale into English in 1911 (Thorndike & Lohman, 1990), and use of the instrument and the general practice of assessing intelligence for many purposes spread quickly. The instrument was noticed by researchers in the United States and was brought to this country by Goddard (1908). Three years after its initial publication in 1905, the Binet-Simon Scale was revised by Binet and Simon (Binet & Simon, 1916) and then again by Binet in 1911. To address the many misunderstandings about intelligence and its assessment, this chapter covers the following topics: (1) intelligence theory and test use from a historical perspective (2) intelligence tests used commonly in the diagnosis of mental retardation (3) assessment conditions that affect examinees' assessed cognitive performance (4) the use of total test scores, like full-scale IQs, and subscores (part or scale scores) in the diagnosis of mental retardation (5) the use of comprehensive as opposed to restricted measures of intelligence and (6) psychometric considerations in the selection and application of intelligence tests for diagnosing mental retardation, including test fairness. Yet constructs like adaptive behavior have proven at least as difficult to assess as intelligence, and IQ still looms large in determining eligibility for a diagnosis of mental retardation. As professionals and the public came to understand better the limitations of intelligence theory and IQ tests, finding other useful measures for assessing mental retardation became more urgent, especially because of allegations of racial, cultural, and gender bias in standard IQ assessment instruments. For many years, only scores from intelligence tests (IQs) were used in the diagnosis of mental retardation.
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